I would strongly recommend this article to all fellow Economics students.
A fantastic summary by Olivier Blanchard on the kind of change the financial crisis has brought about in policy debates and the way in which we understand monetary policy [and by extension, fiscal policy]. While I am sceptical and critical about the methodologies employed in economic theory and the denial of any ideological tilt in its analyses, I find it hard to accept statements (made fairly often) such as “The crisis is proof that Economics has failed”. I definitely cannot be classified as a ‘mainstream’ believer; in fact I often have blogged about the various criticisms I have of modern [“Neoclassical”] Economics. From a philosophical point of view, modern Economics is fraught in controversy. But the point is, macroeconomic theory, as taught in textbooks, has done pretty well during and after the crisis. And has proved to be incredibly enlightening. Simon Wren-Lewis and Paul Krugman have written about this. While I am definitely less optimistic than them, I think there’s definitely an element of truth there. So, in that vein, I shall end with this fabulous summary on policy-making after the crisis:
Two weeks ago, the IMF organized a major research conference, in honour of Stanley Fischer, on lessons from the crisis. Here is my take. I shall focus on what I see as the lessons for monetary policy, but before I do this, let me mention two other important conclusions.
One, having your macro house in order pays off when there is an (external) crisis. In contrast to previous episodes, wise fiscal policy before this crisis gave emerging market countries the room to pursue countercyclical fiscal policies during the crisis, and this made a substantial difference.
Second, after a financial crisis, it is essential to rapidly clean up and recapitalize the banks. This did not happen in Japan in the 1990s, and was costly. But it did happen in the US in this crisis, and it helped the recovery.
Now let me now turn to monetary policy, and touch on three issues: the implications of the liquidity trap, the provision of liquidity, and the management of capital flows.
On the liquidity trap: we have discovered, unfortunately at great cost, that the zero lower bound can indeed be binding, and be binding for a long time—five years at this point. We have also discovered that, even then, there is still some room for monetary policy. The bulk of the evidence is that unconventional policy can systematically affect the term premia, and thus bend the yield curve through portfolio effects. But it remains a fact that compared to conventional policy, the effects of unconventional monetary policy are very limited and uncertain.
There is therefore much to be said for avoiding the trap in the first place in the future, and this raises again the question of the inflation rate. There is wide agreement that in most advanced countries, it would be good if inflation was higher today. Presumably, if it had been higher pre-crisis, it would be higher today. To be more concrete, if inflation had been 2 percentage points higher before the crisis, the best guess is that it would be 2 percentage points higher today, the real rate would be 2 percentage points lower, and we would probably be close in the US to an exit from zero nominal rates today.
We should not dismiss the possibility, raised by Larry Summers that we may need negative real rates for a long time. Countries could in principle achieve negative real rates through low nominal rates and moderate inflation. Instead, we are still facing today the danger of an adverse feedback loop, in which depressed demand leads to lower inflation, lower inflation leads to higher real rates, and higher real rates lead in turn to even more depressed demand.
Turning to liquidity provision: in advanced countries (but, again, the lesson is more general), we have learned that runs are relevant not only for banks, but also for other financial institutions, and for governments. In an environment of high public debt, rollover risks cannot be excluded. An implication, and one of the themes emphasized by Paul Krugman, is that it is essential to have a lender of last resort, ready to lend not only to financial institutions but also to governments. The evidence on periphery sovereign bonds in the euro area, pre and post the European Central Bank’s announcement of outright monetary transactions, is quite convincing on this point.
Finally, turning to capital flows. In emerging markets (and, more generally, in small advanced economies, although these were not explicitly covered at the conference), the evidence suggests the best way to deal with volatile capital flows is by letting the exchange rate absorb most—but not necessarily all—of the adjustment.
The standard argument in favour of letting the exchange rate adjust was stated by Paul Krugman at the conference. If investors want to take their funds out, let them: the exchange rate will depreciate, and this will lead, if anything, to an increase in exports and an increase in output.